Colombia Palace of Justice siege Pablo Escobar-backed leftist rebels


Colombia Palace siege army
A
Colombian policemen hits the pavement as leftist guerrillas in
the Palace of Justice open fire, in Bogota, November 6, 1986. A
group of plainclothes policemen huddles near two armored
personnel carriers.

AP
Photo


  • In late 1985, left-wing rebels stormed Colombia’s
    Supreme Court building in Bogota, taking hundreds of people
    hostage.
  • Colombian forces stormed the building and freed the
    hostages, but scores were killed, including many
    justices.
  • The Colombian government has been accused of abuses
    during the siege, and leaders have apologized.

On Wednesday, November 6, 1985, the guerrilla group M19, or the
April 19 movement, stormed Colombia’s Palace of Justice and held
all 25 of the country’s Supreme Court justices and hundreds of
civilians hostage.

The M19 rebels had been frustrated by the government’s
violation of a ceasefire, and they were allegedly there with the
backing of the country’s most powerful drug lord, Pablo Escobar.

Over the next two days, the Colombian army mounted an operation
to retake the building and free the hostages.

By the time the crisis was resolved, almost all of the
30 to 40 rebels
were dead, scores of hostages had been killed
or “disappeared,” and 11 of the court’s 25 justices were slain.

‘Restore order, but above all avoid bloodshed’


Colombia Palace hostages
Soldiers
and police lead government employees from Colombia ‘s Palace of
Justice after an assault on the building freed more than 100
people held there, November. 7, 1985.

AP Photo/Carlos Gonzalez

The
M19 rebels
, a left-wing group, took the court with
the goal
of forcing the justices to try then-President
Belisario Betancur and his defense minister for violating a peace
deal the Colombian government had reached with the rebels a year
and a half earlier.

M19 also
opposed
the government’s move toward extraditing Colombians
to the US — a point on which the rebels and Colombia’s powerful
drug traffickers, led by Pablo Escobar, agreed. According to both
Mark Bowden’s “Killing
Pablo
” and
Escobar’s son
, the Medellin drug boss paid the rebels $1
million for the job.

During a radio broadcast from inside the court after the rebels
seized the building, an M19 member
said
that their aim was “to denounce a Government that has
betrayed the Colombian people.”

The initial response of Betancur
was
, “Restore order, but above all avoid bloodshed.” But
after that,
he reportedly
“encouraged the army to do its dirty work in
the name of preserving legality” and refused to end the siege.

He also
refused
to take phone calls from the president of the Supreme
Court, Justice Alfonso Reyes, who was being held hostage, or to
order a ceasefire to permit negotiations.


Colombia Palace raid fire
Smoke
billows from a 2-foot-wide hole made by a cannon round from an
armored car at the Palace of Justice, early on November 7, 1985.
For an hour, armored cars pumped cannon and machine-gun fire into
the building.

AP Photo/Joe
Skipper


Not long after the rebels seized the five-story building,
government forces used explosives and automatic weapons to retake
some of the lower floors. In the process, they reportedly

rescued
about 100 of the hostages. Colombian security forces
soon launched more attacks on the rebels, eventually using tanks
to assault the building.

On Wednesday night,
a fire broke out
and destroyed many of the documents that
court was using to decide whether to extradite drug traffickers.
Records for about 6,000 criminal cases were destroyed, including
files for the criminal case against Escobar, according to
Bowden.

In 1989, a judge
ruled
that the fire had been intentionally set. Witnesses
have
said
security forces lit the blaze, while some suggested the
rebels set the fire at the behest of drug traffickers who wanted
to destroy evidence against them.

By the afternoon of November 7, the siege was over, and reporters
were allowed to enter the building. Freed hostages said that
rebels had decided to
kill their prisoners
, including Supreme Court justices, that
morning, “when they felt their situation was ‘hopeless.'”

At the time, news reports quoted Col. Alfonso Plazas, who
commanded government troops during the assault, as saying that
the rebels had been “annihilated.”

But testimonies and rulings that have been issued in the decades
since depict an army that was indiscriminate in its efforts to
end what has been called Colombia’s “holocaust.”

‘The basic truth … has not been provided’


Colombia Palace raid soldiers
Colombian
soldiers wait to rush into the Palace of Justice, as .50-caliber
machine guns fire on the building, where rebels were holding
hostages, November 7, 1985.

AP
Photo/Joe Skipper


The attack had immediate political consequences for Colombia.

According to Bowden’s
account
, the siege “crippled the Colombian legal system” and
sank President Betancur’s efforts to reach peace agreements with
both M19 and FARC rebels.

In the three decades since the Palace siege, numerous reports and
allegations have implicated government officials and security
forces in human-rights abuses related to the attack.

Mounting evidence suggested that civilians were taken into

custody and tortured
by government forces after the attack. A
report composed after the attack contained photos that suggested
some hostages were killed by
someone other than the rebels
.

In June 2010, Plazas, who led the army’s assault, was convicted of the forced
disappearance
of 11 people who survived the attack on the
building but were taken away by the army afterward and never seen
again.


Colombia Palace raid victims
Rescue
workers remove Colombian Supreme Court Justice Humberto Murcia
from the Palace of Justice after troops stormed the building,
November 7, 1985.

AP Photo/Joe
Skipper


A US
embassy cable from 1999
that was released by George
Washington University’s National Security Archive
corroborated the finding against Plazas, saying that his soldiers
“killed a number of M-19 members and suspected collaborators hors
de combat [“outside of combat”], including the Palace’s cafeteria
staff.”

Allegations of rights abuses and extrajudicial killings have
persisted. In
a 2012 session
of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights
(IACHR), IACHR President Jose de Jesus “was unequivocal in his
conviction that Colombian authorities had ‘coordinated’ torture
and forced disappearances” during the Palace siege.

In that same session, the Colombian government admitted it
deserved some blame for the deaths and disappearances, with a
government representative
saying
that “the Colombian state will not cease efforts to
know the truth and create justice.”

Since that admission, investigations and accusations have
continued. A lawyer working for many of the families of the
disappeared said a 2013 Truth Commission showed that some in the
military knew of M19’s plot but let it happen, hoping to launch a
ferocious
response
” against the guerrillas.


Colombia Palace raid troops
A
Colombian soldier with an assault rifle prepares to lay down
covering fire as other soldiers prepare to storm the Palace of
Justice, November 6, 1985.

AP
Photo


Humberto Murcia, a judge who witnessed the killing of some of his
fellow justices, said a few days after the
attack
that authorities should have anticipated it.

“And I remembered a month before, in the court chamber,” Murcia
said at the time. “I had read
letters from the justice minister and security forces in which
they told us they had discovered a terrorist plan to assault the
Justice Palace.”

In 2014, retired Gen. Jesus Armando Arias was
sentenced to 35 years
in prison after being convicted for the
forced disappearance of a judge, several court workers, and Irma
Franco Pineda, an M19 guerrilla who was seen
leaving the building alive
.

The convictions of Plazas and Arias were seen by many as positive
steps after so many years of impunity for abuses committed during
the siege and throughout recent Colombian history. Others have
see it as insufficient.

“The basic truth, which we have always longed for, has not been
provided because there has not been a policy by the state to seek
out the truth behind the events,”
said
Jorge Franco Pineda, Irma’s brother, in 2014.


Colombia Palace raid tanks
An
armored vehicle crashes through the two-story wooden doors at the
front of the Palace of Justice, as soldiers and policemen prepare
to rush inside, November 6, 1985.

AP
Photo/Carlos Gonzalez, File


In October 2015, Colombia’s attorney general
announced an investigation
into 14 members of the military
and security services, including Iván Ramírez Quintero, a senior
intelligence official at the time of the attack.

The attorney general
said
there was “sufficient evidence to infer the
participation and knowledge of senior military commanders in the
torture carried out.”

That investigation announcement was followed the next month by an
apology from Colombian
President Juan Manuel Santos, who acknowledged to the families of
the victims that the government had failed to protect their
rights during the siege.

“Today I recognize the responsibility of the Colombian state and
I ask forgiveness,” Santos said at the time,
standing outside the rebuilt Palace of Justice in central Bogotá.

“Here there occurred a deplorable, absolutely condemnable action
by the M-19, but it must be recognized there were failures in the
conduct and procedures of state agents,” he added.


People attend the Colombia’s lower house, during voting on whether to approve the transitional justice courts established in the peace agreement with the FARC in Bogota, Colombia November 27, 2017. REUTERS/Jaime Saldarriaga
People
in Colombia’s lower house in Bogota during voting on the
transitional justice courts established in the peace agreement
with the FARC, November 27, 2017.

Thomson Reuters

The M19, a largely urban rebel movement, was the first of
Colombia’s armed groups to disarm,
becoming a political party
in 1989. The group frequently
kidnapped victims for ransom, and the abduction of the sister of
a prominent member of Escobar’s Medellin cartel in 1981 is
believed to have led traffickers to form “self-defense groups,” which
eventually led to the formation of right-wing paramilitary
groups.

But the M19’s demobilization became an example for future
transitions. A number of right-wing laid down their arms in the
mid-2000s. A peace deal between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia, a left-wing group, and the Colombian government
was approved in late 2016, and
that group has formed a political party with the same initials.

Many of rebels and guerrillas who’ve disarmed have turned to
criminal activity, and political violence has persisted. In the
two years since the FARC demobilized, scores of former rebels and
other social leaders and activists have been harassed, attacked,
and killed.

But there are signs of progress.

Gustavo Petro, a former M19 rebel who was a congressman, senator,
and mayor of Bogota, made it to the final round of Colombia’s
presidential election in June, losing to conservative politician
Ivan Duque.

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